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AFRICAN
STANDBY FORCE: PROSPECTS FOR REGIONAL SECURITY
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
Security can be construed in terms of
the ability of individual citizens to live in peace with access to basic
necessities of life, at the same time participating fully in societal affairs
in freedom and enjoying all fundamental human rights (The Kampala Document:
Towards a Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in
Africa). Security is indisputably a first order value for all mankind. McNamara
offered a broad definition of security when he stated that ‘security means
development’ (McNamara,
1968:149). Security can therefore be conceptualised as a precursor to
development and although not entirely dependent on military activity, it is
tightly intertwined with it and cannot exist without it. According to Imobighe,
‘the amount of security a nation enjoys is a reflection of its defence system’
(Imobigbe, 2003:170). Similarly, Lippmann posits that ‘a nation has security
when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate national interests to avoid
war and is able, if challenged to, to maintain them by war’ (Baylis, 2001:255).
This implies that military security is important and indeed forms the bedrock
on which all other forms of security rest.
Africa’s security problems can be traced
to the era of slave cartelization when European slave merchants freely
terrorized the continent. This was closely followed by colonization wherein the
indigenous defence systems were removed to emplace imperialism. Since then,
Africa has become an exporter of raw materials and cheap labour and an importer
of finished goods. This exploitation continued until the outbreak of World War
II (WWII) in 1939. The end of WWII in 1945 saw the emergence of two
superpowers, the United States of America (USA) and the United Soviet Socialist
Republic (USSR). The subsequent Cold War
which ensued between these superpowers lasted from 1945-1990.
Within this period, the superpowers fought by proxy, with many African
countries as pawns in their power struggle. Dictatorships, overtly or covertly
supported by one or the other superpower, usurped power through coups d’etat
and maintained repressive regimes. This
inevitably led to counter coups, usually supported by the opposing superpower.
The resultant vicious circle of dictatorships,
sit-tight rulers, coups and counter coups, coupled with illiteracy, absence of
infrastructure and fueled by ethnic sentiments, rendered Africa underdeveloped
and crises prone. Intra-state conflicts
erupted in Angola, Burundi, Congo, Liberia, Mozambique and Namibia. They also erupted in Rwanda, Somalia, Sierra
Leone, Uganda, Cote d’Ivoire and Sudan. These conflicts militated against
development and harmonious relationship among African countries. The human and
material casualties recorded in these conflicts are calamitous. The resultant effects of these crises in
Africa are disease, refugee problems, human rights abuses, stagnation in
development and poverty.
The International Institute for
Strategic Studies (IISS) London reported that in 1999 alone, over half of the
world’s armed conflicts were in sub - Saharan Africa (Jonathan, 2005:15). In
another report, Clare and Straw, argued that over the past 20 years, Africa has
lost over 50 per cent of its infrastructure, many of the losses due to conflicts
(Clare Short and Jack Straw).
While the potential for inter-state
disputes has not diminished, the last 10 years have seen the appearance of
complex new risks to peace and stability, including oppression, ethnic
conflict, economic distress, the collapse of political order, the proliferation
of small arms and organised international crime. When crises arise, they
increasingly involve many factions and contain conflict elements which may be
inter and intra and/or transnational in nature and involve the cross border
movement of refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), migrants and
widespread human rights abuses.
Such intra state conflicts and
transnational activities are generally perpetrated by sub state actors or ‘war
lords’, non-state actors, militias, criminal elements and armed civilians and
not exclusively by elements of the regular armies. As a result social cohesion
and state institutions collapse, law and order breaks down, banditry and chaos
prevail and the civilian population flees the conflict region or the country.
On the global scene, the quest for
international peace and security prompted the formation of international
organizations and alliances. One of such
organizations, the League of Nations, emerged at the end of WWI on account of
the determination by European allies to prevent another world war (Peter Gay
et al, 1973:107). This
objective was not realized due to some inherent weaknesses of the League, resulting
in WWII.
At the end of WWII, the need for a more
effective and inclusive world body led to the formation of the United Nations
(UN) with the objectives of ensuring global peace and security. Since conflicts
and crises have become an inevitable outcome of human existence, most countries
in the world consider it a primary responsibility to develop some mechanism to
handle them. This brought to the fore, the need for a rapid intervention force
capable of being deployed within the shortest possible time, to manage
conflicts.
The UN fashioned out the concept of a
rapidly deployable multinational force far back in 1947, but it remained
sidelined until 1992, when the then UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros Ghali
called for a system by which governments commit themselves to hold ready, at an
agreed period of notice, specifically trained units for peacekeeping service.
The purpose of standby arrangement is to have a precise understanding of the
forces and other capabilities a member state will have available at a given state
of readiness (UN Secretariat, Report of the Secretary-General on Standby
Arrangements for Peacekeeping,
1995).
The UN Standby Arrangement System
(UNSAS) was launched in the early 1990s. The UNSAS is basically a database of
military, civilian police, assets and expertise made available for rapid
deployment to UN peacekeeping operations. Due to different training doctrines
and equipment of member states, UNSAS could not achieve the effectiveness
required of a standby force (Clare Short and Jack Straw). In 1996, the UN
established the Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG), for rapid deployment
to peacekeeping operations. The SHIRBRIG was aimed at providing the UN with a
non - standing multinational brigade at high readiness and is based on UNSAS.
The quest for peace and security
was not limited to Europe and the Americas alone. In the early 1960s, the late
Dr Kwame Nkrumah, one time President of Ghana, proposed the formation of an
African High Command (AHC). He envisaged a quick reaction force to be used in
resolving conflicts on the continent. Unfortunately, some African leaders who
were not willing to give up their newly found sovereignties rejected the
initiative. However, the first African regional organization, the Organisation
of African Unity (OAU) was formed in 1963 in response to his vision. The main objectives of OAU were the promotion
of unity and solidarity of independent African states and the eradication of
colonialism from Africa.
Although the OAU succeeded to a large
extent in eradicating colonialism from the African Continent, it could not
attain other objectives. For instance,
its goal of fostering peace and stability in the region remained elusive as fratricidal
wars continued to ravage the continent.
Salim, a former Secretary General of the OAU, stated that ‘the OAU was
able to facilitate the eradication of colonialism, but the internal crises,
poverty and social degradation in Africa were issues the OAU was to accommodate
because of mounting obstacles’ (Salim 2000:24). This led to the formation of
the African Union (AU) in July 2002.
The new regional body was modeled after
the European Union (EU) and designed to have a Parliament, Central Bank, Court
of Justice, common currency and a Peace and Security Council (PSC) (AU
Constitutive Act). The ‘Protocol
Relating to the Establishment of the PSC’ provides for an African Standby Force
(ASF) to enable the PSC deploy peacekeeping missions. The PSC was also mandated
to intervene in regional crises pursuant to the provisions of the AU
Constitutive Act.
At its inception in 2003, it was
envisaged that by 2010, the ASF would be able to respond to requests for
monitoring, peacekeeping, and peace enforcement missions from sub regional
bodies, AU or UN within the framework of Article 13 of the PSC Protocol (AU
Constitutive Act). This was to be achieved in 2 phases as follows:
(1) Phase One (July 2003 - 30 Jun 05):
Establishment of a strategic level capacity for the management of Scenarios 1-2
missions, while Regional Economic Communities (RECs)/Regions would complement
the African Union (AU) by establishing regional standby forces up to a brigade
size (3500 - 5000) to achieve up to Scenario 4. The list of scenarios is
contained at Appendix I.
(2) Phase Two (1 Jul 05 to 30 Jun 10): It was envisaged that by the year 2010, the
AU would have developed the capacity to manage complex peacekeeping operations,
while the RECs/Regions will continue to develop the capacity to deploy a
mission Headquarters (HQs) for Scenario 4, involving AU/Regional peacekeeping
forces (Article 13 of the Au PSC Protocol).
Regrettably, as at 31 Dec 10, these
phases are yet to be fully achieved as earlier envisaged by the African Chiefs
of Defence Staff (ACDS) in 2003. Thus there is a need to critically examine the
specific problems, contributions and strategies for a fully functional ASF.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Conflicts have continued to ravage the
African continent. For instance Somalia, which is categorized as a failed
state, has continued to defy efforts to rectify the situation there. Presently,
the waters of the Indian Ocean off the coast of Somalia are being patrolled by
the military forces of several non-African countries. These patrols are meant
to create a secure corridor for the passage of ships, mostly conveying
petroleum products through the Gulf of Aden. Several Somali pirates have been
killed by these patrols. In January 2011, 5 pirates were captured by a South
Korean patrol team and are to stand trial in South Korea. Although piracy is
deplorable, these patrols can be regarded as diplomatic affronts to Somalia in
particular and Africa in general. Furthermore, no developed country will allow
the killing, capture and trial of its nationals to go unchallenged as is being
done in Somalia. This patrol task ought to have been a prerogative of the ASF,
if it were operational.
Similarly, the crisis in the Darfur
region of Sudan continues to linger. The United Nations African Union Mission
in Darfur (UNAMID) lacks the manpower required to command all factions to
order. As at December 2010, the UNAMID strength stood at an average of 20,000
personnel as against the 26,000 men required to effectively police Darfur. In
light of the enormity of its tasks, the UNAMID is greatly handicapped by this
manpower challenge. However, a fully operational ASF could easily handle the
Darfur crisis with little or no assistance from the UN
The earlier that a conflict is tackled
and ‘nipped in the bud’, the easier it is to contain and resolve. Thus the
current political impasse in Cote d’Ivoire desperately needs an intervention
force to douse rising tensions and prevent the possible outbreak of another
war. Again, the ASF would have been aptly used there. Conflicts in several
African countries have shown that the international community is willing to
turn a blind eye to genocide and mass killings in Africa. Such conflict regions
include Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Congo, Sudan and Cote d’Ivoire amongst
others. It has become obvious that the developed countries intervene in African
conflicts primarily to safeguard their national interests.
In 1997, Salim drew attention to the
fact that ‘OAU member states can no longer afford to stand aloof and expect the
international community to care more for our problems than we do, or indeed to
find solutions to those problems which in many instances, have been of our own
making. The simple truth that we must confront today is that the world does not
owe us a living and we must remain in the forefront of efforts to act and act
speedily, to prevent conflicts from getting out of control’ (Dr. Salim,).
Similarly, Mbeki stressed that ‘recent international events have confirmed the
need for us Africans to do everything we can to rely on our own capacities to
secure our continent’s renaissance’ (Address of the President of South Africa).
It is against this backdrop therefore, that this research seeks to answer the
following research questions:
(1) What are the security challenges confronting
the AU?
(2) How can the ASF help in combating the
security challenges confronting the AU?
(3) What progress has been made in establishing
the ASF?
(4)
What is the way forward toward full operationalization of the ASF?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The objectives of the study are to:
(1) Review the
security challenges confronting the AU.
(2) Examine how the ASF can help in combating
the security challenges confronting the AU.
(3) Show up what progress has been made in
establishing the ASF.
(4) Proffer suggestions on the way forward
toward full operationalization of the ASF?
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
A region is secure when its citizens can
live peacefully with access to basic necessities of life, freedom and all fundamental
human rights. However, superpower influences, illiteracy, lack of
infrastructure, proliferation of small arms and ethnic sentiments amongst
others have combined to render Africa conflict - prone.
The conflicts ravaging Africa have
increasingly become intra – state, with
calamitous consequences. The hypothesis that guided this work assumes that
there is a causal relationship between the absence of an ASF and repeated armed
conflicts on the African continent. This study seeks to establish that if the
ASF becomes fully operational, security on the African continent would be
improved.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The series of conflicts which have
ravaged the African continent, decimated its population and hindered its unity
and development are a serious cause of concern. Furthermore, the lingering
crises in Somalia and Sudan and the political impasse in Cote d’Ivoire push to
the fore, the glaring need for the ASF. Unfortunately, seven years after its
inauguration, the ASF is yet to become fully operational. Moreover, there has
been uneven progress among the sub regions in implementing the ACDS roadmap to
full operationalization of the ASF.
This study is therefore significant in
the sense that it would review the security challenges confronting the AU and
examine how the ASF can help in combating them. It would also take a look at
the progress so far made in establishing the ASF and proffer suggestions
towards full operationalization of the ASF.
This will no doubt benefit the AU and its member states in the search
for an effective conflict management mechanism on the continent. The findings of the study would also add to
the existing literature and reference materials on ASF and regional security.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The ASF is based on the concept of
regional security. This concept has permeated international discourse since the
end of WWI, leading to the formation of the League of Nations and later, the
UN. The concept of standby forces can also be traced back to the UN in 1947.
This study will cover the period 1963
till date. It was during this period that regional security started receiving
due attention in Africa through the creation of the OAU. Reference would be
made to other regional security arrangements as it is believed that such
arrangements would be in tandem with this study.
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This
research seeks to identify the ASF prospects for regional security. To this
effect, the methods of data collection and analysis will be focused on.
1.7.1 METHODS OF DATA
COLLECTION
The data used in this study were collected
from both primary and secondary sources.
Primary data were gathered through interviews and consultations with
service personnel who had worked or are working at the ASF HQ in Addis Ababa.
Other sources were the NAPKC, DHQ, Service HQs or personnel who have
participated in PSOs. A sample of the questionnaire is at Appendix II.
Secondary data were gathered from books, journals, newspapers, reports of
conferences, unpublished works, magazines, periodicals, lecture notes and the
internet.
1.7.2 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS
The research method used in this study
is the descriptive research technique. To achieve this thesis, the research
design applied was the causal comparative. It is a retrospective study of the
relationship between the independent variable which is the ASF and its outcome,
the dependent variable, regional security.
Adopting this research method was
necessary as it provides the most comprehensive approach towards adequate
coverage of the areas to be studied (AFCSC Guide to Research Methodology). Thus
this study observed and evaluated the concept of regional security to establish
the effects standby forces have on it.
1.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
This research work was impaired by some
limitations. The key limitations were the use of secondary data to analyse the
concepts of regional security, standby forces and the ASF. Although the data
used were from reputable sources, the authenticity of their findings might not
be insulated from bias.
The concepts of regional security and
standby forces are complementary. Hence the empirical testing of both concepts
was relatively impossible. However, this did not affect the quality of research
carried out and the outcomes of the findings.
1.9 ASSUMPTIONS
1. In order to stem the wide spread of
conflicts in Africa, a standby force is urgently needed.
2. The standby force must be equipped as a
rapid response force.
3. Such a standby force must be completely
African – manned.
1.10
CONCEPTUAL DEFINITIONS
For the
purpose of this study, the following terms are defined as follows:
1. Concept of Conflict: Human history shows that conflict is a
natural consequence of human interaction. It is a product of clashes of
different opinions, views and interests between individuals, groups or states.
According to Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, conflict is ‘a condition in which one
identified group of human beings…is engaged in conscious opposition to one or
more other identifiable groups because these groups are pursuing what are or
appear to be incompatible goals’ (Osisioma, 2008:1). Lewis Coser goes further
in the discourse on conflict by conceptualizing the term as ‘a struggle over
and claims to scarce resources in which aims of opponents are to neutralize,
injure or eliminate these rivals’ (Coser, 2008:1). Even though conflict is
natural to human beings and associations, it does not necessarily have to be
violent (Dougherty, 2008:1).
When conflict becomes violent, it has
transformed into war which Clausewitz describes as ‘a duel on an extensive
scale… an act of violence pushed to its utmost bounds…directed upon the
destruction of the enemy’s powers’ (Coser, 2008:2). When this situation obtains
between sovereign entities, such as nation states, war then becomes ‘a
continuation of state policy by
other means’ or ‘a continuation of political commerce’ (Osisioma, 2008:3).
These conflicts according to Stedman
arise ‘from problems basic to all populations, the tugs and pulls of different
identities, the differential distribution of resources and access to
power, and competing definitions of what
is right, fair and just’ (Stedman, 2008:3). The message is that conflicts arise
essentially from injustices suffered by individuals, groups or states and when
these conflicts are not resolved peacefully, they become violent
When conflicts transform into civil or
international wars, they bring about other disastrous consequences. People are
killed, maimed, displaced or turned into refugees while properties and
infrastructure are destroyed. Also, those with low morals become beasts in
human skin, raping, carrying out extra-judicial killings, looting, extorting
and robbing. With each war therefore, man who is supposed to be a rational and
civilized being further descends into the abyss of inhumanity. War destroys
social values, pollutes and degrades the environment and diverts resources from
the pursuit of development and human happiness to war financing. At times, war
taxes are imposed on citizens of a warring state and this worsens their
conditions. War spreads pestilence, hunger, starvation, destitution and
lawlessness. Between nations, war forcefully changes feelings and boundaries
and can lead to the collapse of governments.
2. Concept of Security: The concept of security, according to Ekoko,
emphasizes military power as the main instrument for the preservation of
national sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Wolfers and Lippman have different
definitions. Wolfers sees security as
‘the protection of values previously acquired or the absence of fear that these
values would be attacked’ (Stedman, 1991:368). Lippman has been more explicit
in his opinion about security. In his
view, ‘a nation has security when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate
interest to avoid war, and is able to, if challenged, to maintain them by
war’ (Yusuf, 2008:2).
It has been generally argued that what
constitutes security to one state or group of states might constitute
insecurity to others. Arnold views
security ‘as the relative freedom from harmful threats (James, 1990:245). The
Concise Oxford Dictionary defines the word security ‘as the safety of state or
organization against criminal activity.’ Arnold’s definition of security is
worthy of particular note as it relates security to underpin the role of
international regimes in ensuring stability within a given region. This therefore means that security is seen
from both the domestic and international perspectives.
3. Concept of Regional Security: Regional security is the security cooperation
among nations in the same geographical location (Emuekpere). A region is a political identity consisting
of a group of states, which are proximate and interdependent. Regions are
generally characterized by geographical relatedness. The essence of regional security as
identified by Buzan is a ‘set of contiguous states with a level of integration
between them, such that a lack of security within them or between individual
states in the region affects the security of the set of states as a whole (Barry, 1983:73).
The AU is an organization of African
nations created to promote continental peace, unity, and cooperation. The
organization works to resolve conflicts between nations and to coordinate
political, economic, cultural, scientific, medical, and defense policies. The
AU has 53 member nations, with its headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The
organization was founded in Addis Ababa on 25 May 63, as the OAU. It retained
that name until 2002 when it formally became the AU.
At the time of the OAU’s founding,
African leaders disagreed about what kind of organization it should be. Some
leaders pushed for the creation of a central government that would unite all of
Africa under one authority. However, many of the nations had just recently
gained independence from colonial rule and their leaders opposed the idea. The
leaders eventually reached a compromise but in so doing created an organization
that is controlled by its member nations, leaving it with little power to act
on its own. Nonetheless, the AU has helped strengthen ties among African
nations and settle disputes. But it has also faced many problems that have undermined
its ability to achieve its goals (Emuekpere).
The experiences relating to widening and
deepening of regional security regimes in Africa have not been particularly
satisfactory. This is evident from the
fact that most African states witnessed several conflicts and wars since their
independence. This made the concept of
regional security among African countries difficult despite their geographical
proximity. However, recent events have
shown that African leaders are now willing to pursue a common regional security
regime. Regional security regimes are
increasingly becoming an integral part of the globalization process. This process is described as the ‘principle
of complex interdependence (Barry, 1991:25). That is the assumption that multiple
channels connect societies, making the quest for security indispensable. It can therefore be deduced that regional
security is the security cooperation among nations in the same geographical
location.
4. Concept of Standby Forces: There are various perceptions as to what
constitutes a standby force. The
earliest usage was when it was referred to as a ‘command headquarters’ that is
‘German Standby force’ during WW II (Burgess, 2009). The term was used by some
European defence scholars like Firlie to describe the numerous security regimes
embarked upon by European nations (Kenneth, 1990:245). For instance, the European Union Rapid
Response Force (EURRF) which is described as a standby force is a non standing
army made up of troops contributed by member states to undertake peacekeeping
operations.
The EURRF was borne out of the desire of
EU to develop a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) outside NATO for
crisis management and conflict prevention within Europe (European Foreign and
Security Policy News Letter; Issue No 8, 2002). The force uses the military
headquarters of NATO in Belgium as its operational headquarters. Its first military mission was in Macedonia
(Michael, 2000:34). The force is obliged
under the UN agreement ratified by member states to deploy troops to UN
peacekeeping missions.
The Standby High Readiness Brigade
(SHIRBRIG) established by Denmark, Austria, Canada, Netherlands, Norway, Poland
and Sweden is another example of a standby force (Michael, 2000:34). The force under UNSAS is aimed at rapid
deployment for peacekeeping or humanitarian operations. Troops deployed are only expected to spend a
maximum of 6 months in mission areas.
The SHIRBRIG is established at low additional costs to participating
countries. Firstly, Denmark is the host
country to the SHIRBRIG headquarters and provides many facilities free. Secondly, participating countries pay for
training and preparation for deployment.
Lastly, at the actual time of deployment, according to existing rules
the UN pays for all expenses (Lesley).
The NATO, EURRF and SHIRBRIG present
good examples of standby forces. A
standby force can therefore be conceptualized as the pooling together of
military/civil resources by a number of states for their collective
security. Standby forces thus connote a
security regime, with a well-defined force structure contributed by parties of
the regime for their collective security.
5. Concept of African Standby Force: In the early 1960s, the late Dr Kwame
Nkrumah, one time President of Ghana suggested the formation of an African High
Command (AHC). He envisaged a quick reaction force drawn from member states to
be used in resolving conflicts on the continent. Unfortunately, some African
leaders who were not willing to give up their newly found sovereignties
rejected the initiative. However, the first African regional organization, the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed in 1963 in response to his
vision.
The OAU succeeded to a large extent in
eradicating colonialism from the African Continent, it could not attain other
objectives. For instance, its goal of
fostering peace and stability in the region remained elusive as fratricidal
wars continued to ravage the continent.
Salim, a former Secretary General of the OAU, while reviewing the
achievements of the Organisation stated that ‘the OAU was able to facilitate
the eradication of colonialism, but the internal crises, poverty and social
degradation in Africa were issues the OAU was to accommodate because of
mounting obstacles (Salim, 2000:24). This led to the formation of the African
Union (AU) in July 2002. The new regional body was modeled after the European
Union (EU) and designed to have a Parliament, Central Bank, Court of Justice,
common currency and a Peace and Security Council (PSC) (AU Constitutive Act).
AU member states adopted the ‘Protocol
Relating to the Establishment of the PSC in July 2003.’ The Protocol provides
for an African Union Standby Force (ASF) to enable the PSC deploy peacekeeping
missions. The PSC was also mandated to intervene in regional crises pursuant to
the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act. The ASF is intended for rapid
deployment in peace support operations for the AU that may include preventive
deployment, peacekeeping, peace building, post-conflict demilitarisation, and
humanitarian assistance. The aim is to have one standby brigade in each of
Africa’s five regions, supported by civilian police and other capacities, by
2010. Good progress has been made in training, development of doctrine, Standard
Operating Procedures, and command and control concepts (Ciliers, 2010).
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