ATTENTION:
BEFORE YOU READ THE ABSTRACT OR CHAPTER ONE OF THE PROJECT TOPIC
BELOW, PLEASE READ THE INFORMATION BELOW.THANK YOU!
INFORMATION:
YOU CAN GET THE COMPLETE PROJECT OF THE TOPIC BELOW. THE FULL
PROJECT COSTS N10,000 ONLY. THE FULL INFORMATION ON HOW TO PAY AND GET THE
COMPLETE PROJECT IS AT THE BOTTOM OF THIS PAGE. OR YOU CAN CALL: 08068231953,
08168759420
ECONOMIC COOPERATION AND INTEGRATION
IN WEST AFRICA
CHAPTER
ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
1.2
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
1.3
OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
1.4
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1.5
METHODOLOGY
1.6
SCOPE OF THE STUDY
1.7
LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
1.8
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.0 INTRODUCTION
2.1 LITERATURE
REVIEW
2.1.1
PROCESS OF INTEGRATION
2.1.2
CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL FOR
INTEGRATION
2.1.3
IMPORTANCE OF INTEGRATION
2.2
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.2.1
NATIONAL ROLE THEORY AND
HEGEMONIC STABILITY THEORY
2.2.2
FUNCTIONALISM AND
NEO-FUNCTIONALISM
CHAPTER THREE: THE REGIONAL
INTEGRATION PROCESS IN WEST AFRICA
3.0
INTRODUCTION
3.1
HISTORY AND EVOLUTION OF INTEGRATION IN
WEST AFRICA
3.2
THE STRUCTURE OF THE ECOWAS
3.3
REGIONAL INTEGRATION AGENDA OF ECOWAS
3.4
CHALLENGES OF REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN
WEST AFRICA
CHAPTER FOUR: THE ROLE OF NIGERIA IN
THE REGIONALINTEGRATION OF WEST AFRICAN STATES
4.0 INTRODUCTION
4.1
THE POLITICAL DIMENSION OF NIGERIA’S
ROLE IN SUB-REGIONAL INTEGRATION
4.2 THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION OF NIGERIA’S ROLE IN
SUB-REGIONAL INTEGRATION
4.3
THE SOCIO-CULTURAL DIMENSION OF
NIGERIA’S ROLE IN SUB-REGIONAL INTEGRATION
4.4
AN EVALUATION OF NIGERIA’S ROLE IN THE
INTEGRATION OF WEST AFRICAN STATES
4.4.1
CHALLENGES TO NIGERIA’S
LEADERSHIP ROLE IN THE INTEGRATION OF WEST AFRICAN
STATES
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND
RECOMMENDATIONS.
5.1
SUMMARY
5.2
CONCLUSION
5.3
RECOMMENDATIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CHAPTER
ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
One
motive that influenced the creation of almost all the West African
International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) is the unity which has its
origin in the Pan-African movements (UNECA 1983). According to Essien (2006)
efforts at regional and sub-regional integration in Africa go back to the
immediate post-colonial period. It was seen as an extension of the liberation
movements and an effort to construct geographic entities that were economically
viable and politically united. It also reflected the prevailing European
experience with its emphasis on free trade within a Common External Tariff
area. Thus, Anadi (2012) observed that, “by the 1960’s when most of the West
African states gained their independence, the realities of the enormous
distortions inherent in the colonial economy came to the fore.
First,
they were utterly left with highly fragile and structurally truncated economies
based on the export of one or two agricultural commodities with inherent price
distortions in the international commodity market. Also, the fact that none of
these states’ national currencies were convertible further worsened the already
destabilizing balance of payments problems in both their trade within the
region and in their trade with other regions of the world” (Anadi 2005). The
founding fathers of ECOWAS were quite aware of the huge challenges that
confronted them at independence, following the years of unbridled exploitation
and utter neglect of the basic needs of the citizens by the colonial masters;
Britain, France and Portugal. Consequently, successful nation building has
remained the biggest challenge for them because their economies are small, weak
and highly competitive.
Accordingly,
they were unable to exploit the complementarities of big and strong economies
and are equally incapable of competing effectively within the global economy.
These realities made regional integration an attractive option for West Africa.
Undeniably, also, globalisation processes have brought home forcefully to the
region the reality that it is impossible for any country, including the most
economically and politically powerful, to go it alone. Now, more than ever
before, all countries need one another to survive in a world where states are
intricately weaved together economically, politically and technologically, with
significant externalities for those that are unable to catch the globalisation
train (Sesay and Omotosho 2011). They
also argue that contemporary integration schemes, particularly those in Africa,
are essentially a post-World War II phenomenon.
Like many aspects of the present international
system, they are largely inspired by developments in Europe and are
specifically located in the determination of European statesmen to put an end
to the rivalry between France and Germany, which was responsible for some of
the most violent conflicts in their continent. More directly, contemporary
integration projects in Africa and elsewhere are inspired by the seven-nation
European Coal and Steel Community set up in 1951 to channel the energies of
France and Germany to more productive ventures, and to prevent an outbreak of
hostilities between them that could lead to another Europe-wide conflict with
adverse global consequences (Sesay and Omotosho 2011). It can further be argued
that, this must have inspired Nigeria to embark on spearheading the creation of
ECOWAS given its experience in the civil war. It is noted that one of the
reasons for the creation of international organizations is that it promotes
cooperation and lessens the occurrence of violent conflicts (Goldstein and
Pevehouse; 2011).
Generally,
the ECOWAS sub-regional arrangement is attributable to the idea of the United
Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA).The idea was an economic
grouping embracing all the states in West Africa which was set forth at UNECA’s
first meeting held in December 1962. The Economic Commission of Africa’s
standing committee on industry, natural resources and transport decided to
render assistance to governments in promoting sub-regional co-operation in the
development of industries on the basis of international specialization, and in
the harmonization where appropriate, of industrial developmental plans through
studies and field investigation. This development is the result of the
realization that all West African states are underdeveloped, that almost all of
them are too small in size to develop the broad range of complex industries
that characterized a modern economy and that they have to cooperate if they are
to emerge from the situation of underdevelopment” (UNECA, 1983:16).
Furthermore, it must be noted that the
imbalances caused by colonialism, particularly, the economic and associated
development problems it brought about, with a continuing food shortage, high
population growth rates, dependence on commodity exports, unfavourable terms of
trade, huge balance of payments deficit, increasing indebtedness and the
ineffective development strategies adopted by the new independent States of
Africa spurred the need for a more viable development strategy for a
self-reliant economy. Therefore, the Pan-African Movements which were to come
to a compromise of achieving a common supranational platform for combating
colonialism and neo-colonialism can be seen as one of the facilitating factors
to the realization of integration schemes that emerged across the African
continent. Particularly, the ideological row between the progressive Casablanca
Group and the conservative Monrovia Group subsequently saw to the triumph of
the Brazzaville – Monrovia Group and the eventual creation of the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) on May 25, 1963. Nigeria belonged to the conservative
group. The rationale for this compromise was to gain a common ground for the
struggle against colonialism and imperialism and resolve the crises of
underdevelopment which as Kwame Nkrumah put it, meant “seeking first the
political kingdom”. Regional integration was to follow via pan-Africanism
because of the need for economic development, it was realized that independence
didn’t mean the end to Africa’s problems.
After
the establishment of the OAU, it became apparent that the African States needed
another platform at the sub-regional level to promote African development.
Indeed, the African Economic Community (AEC) was designed to enhance Regional
Economic Communities (REC) as a means of achieving economic development by
proffering regional economic integration as a development strategy. Therefore,
AEC’s objective was to attain integration at the continental level by way of
consolidating existing RECs and creating new ones where none existed. Other such platforms as the United Nation’s 6th
and 7th special sessions of the General Assembly which aimed at the
establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO), had in its set of
resolutions which it desired to achieve, one of which is ‘an economic order
which urges closer economic ties among developing regions and States and
stresses possibilities of increased trade and technical and economic
cooperation. It also laid emphasis on effective control by developing countries
over their natural resources and on the harmonization of policies for the
exploitation, conservation, transformation and marketing of these resources on
the ground that they are indispensable for economic and social progress of the
countries concerned. This proposition called for action among developing
countries at the national, sub-regional, regional or inter-regional levels
(Adedeji, 1984:4). As such, it can be argued that ECOWAS was established
following the propositions of the UN General Assembly in its agitations for a
New International Economic Order and strengthened through the AEC instruments
of the AU. Carstens deservedly acknowledged the efforts and dogged
determination of Adebayo Adedeji, erstwhile Executive Secretary of the United
Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) to the formation of ECOWAS. He was
convinced that Africa would not be able to compete with the rest of the world
unless it is united economically and politically; and that such a process
should start at the much smaller regional level (Sesay and Omotosho; 2011).
In
the view of Audu, “the idea of some form of economic co-operation among member
states of the West African sub region was born in the early sixties immediately
after the granting of independence to most West Africa countries. It was felt
then that each of the constituent states of West Africa on its own, except
perhaps Nigeria was too small to realize its economic potential. Also, it was
felt that despite the similarities of the constituent states, there was room
for specialization both in the agricultural and industrial sectors which could
not be developed purely on a national basis. The main economic argument for the
establishment of an economic community in West Africa is the creation of a
large market” (Audu1986: 347). Corroborating this view is the position of
Lolette Kritzinger-van Niekerk (2011)
who pointed out that the argument is equally made with respect to the size of
the national markets in the region. Except for Nigeria, the markets of other
ECOWAS states are small, making them uncompetitive and unattractive to the
outside world. Successful regional integration was believed, would increase the
size of the market; enhance competition and efficient production due to
economies of scale. All things being equal then, it was much easier for the
enlarged West African market to attract foreign investment that will benefit
the region provided the investors do not engage in tariff-jumping (Sesay and
Omotosho; 2011).
The
efforts of Nigeria in the establishment of ECOWAS have been tremendous and
noteworthy. Ajayi (1983) observed that it was the initiative of Nigeria and
Togo that revived the idea of an all-encompassing West African grouping in
April 1972 for a process of achieving a West African-wide economic co-operation.
On 14 December 1973, a ministerial meeting was held in Lome, Togo, attended by
fifteen West African States which agreed in principle to establish an Economic
Community of West African States. The meeting called on Nigeria to draw up
detailed proposals for the future shape of the community. In May 28, 1975, the
heads and representatives of the fifteen states finally assembled in Lagos and
signed the Treaty establishing the ECOWAS (Ajayi,1983:145). Also, the country’s
participation in spearheading the creation of ECOWAS is informed by the power
structure in the West African sub-region with Nigeria being the dominant power
within the bloc. As the leader of the bloc in the region it naturally became
the “hegemon” because of its military superiority, large population compared to
the others, diverse and enormous economic resources and a relatively stable
political environment. Therefore, the conduct of Nigeria’s internal and
external relations has had an effect on its neighbours and this is for the
safeguarding of its national interest. This posture upholds the truism as observed by Alli that the key interest of states in the
international arena which determines the content of foreign policy include
achievement of security, socio-economic welfare and power. The use of national
interest as a cornerstone of foreign policy is the key element of the road more
travelled in world politics (2010:221). As a result of occurrences in the past, it can
thus be recalled that in the early 1960s, Britain and the Commonwealth dominated
Nigeria’s foreign policy.
However,
Nigeria had bilateral relations with its immediate neighbors but was totally
indifferent to the internal political struggles in the countries of its
neighbours (Nwolise, 1989:194). As a
result, the conflict that eventually characterized the Nigerian Civil War saw
some West African States and some African States supporting the Biafran
secession, notably, Coted’Ivoire, Gabon, Tanzania and also Zambia. However, OAU
as a body denounced the secession and called for the recognition of the unity
and territorial integrity of the Nigerian state. Hence, Pham observed that the
Nigerian government’s initiative in the formation of ECOWAS in 1975 underlined
the importance of the sub-region in Nigeria’s security and diplomacy especially
those that emanated from its immediate environment, particularly its
neighbours. Nigeria, therefore, after the war, embarked on a vigorous policy of
uniting African countries (Pham, 2007:6).
The
survival of the Nigerian nation was due in part to the diplomatic support it
received from the majority of OAU states. Nigeria became convinced that it
could achieve more with the united will of Africa, regionally or as a whole.
Nigeria, therefore, took the initiative to spearhead the establishment of ECOWAS
(Audu, 1986:352). Also observed by Gambari
(1986) is the fact that, “at the end of the country’s Civil war,
Nigeria’s Head of State, General Gowon, also worked hard to repair the
country’s relations with neighbouring and other African states. He restored
relations with these countries that recognized “Biafra” and played active role
in the affairs of the OAU. General Gowon was the Prime Mover of the diplomatic
efforts that led to the establishment of the ECOWAS. Hence, his successors,
Murtala and Obasanjo consciously concretized the “African Centrepiece Concept”
in Nigeria’s foreign policy. It was coined and expressed in the Adedeji Report
on Foreign Relations during the regime (Gambari, 1986:75). Consequently,
successive regimes adopted this policy maxim. It is not the first time however,
that Africa has been taken into account in Nigeria’s policy considerations but
it became more progressive. According to Pham several lessons were drawn from
the Nigerian Civil war. First, the state’s survival as a united entity was not
to be taken for granted and had to be the primary objective of any foreign
policy. Secondly, in order to achieve that first objective, Nigeria had to have
a secure neighbourhood which the influence of any outside power had to be
limited as much as possible. Third, strong Pan-African institutions were a
vital instrument in support of the country’s national security. Fourth, Nigeria
needed to cultivate extensive ties with all major international power blocs
(Pham, 2007:6).
The
prospects and expectations from Nigeria was due in part because of its human
and natural resources which became more evident than ever in the first two
decades of the country’s birth. Akinyemi observed that, “at independence in
1960, there was much optimism held both nationally and internationally that a
power had come into existence. The basis for the optimism lay in the resources,
both human and natural which formed the Nigerian endowment” (Akinyemi,
2010:11). In synchrony, it has been observed that “a major factor in the
consideration of the domestic environment for foreign policy is the economic
endowment of a nation. In this regard, Nigeria should be considered fortunate
indeed, because, she is one of the most naturally endowed nations in the world
with a huge population and an abundance of oil and gas, solid mineral wealth
and huge arable land for very profitable agricultural production and food
security. Its crude is much prized because of the ease with which it can be
refined into petrol, while its huge, still expanding proven gas reserves are
already playing a big part in the worldwide shift toward gas (Alli, 2010:224).
A
corollary to be drawn is that, having these enormous resources, Nigeria had to
deploy it advantageously to win the allegiance and support of its immediate
neighbours. This guided the fact, as noted by Akinyemi (1986) that “Nigeria
does not want to be surrounded by small countries that are heavily dependent on
extra-African powers especially France, for their military, political and
economic survival. It was and is widely believed that as long as there are
client West African States closely tied to European powers, Nigeria’s own
security cannot be assured. Such states can either be manipulated against
Nigeria or used as staging post by foreign powers that wish to cause
disaffection and confusion in the country as was the case with Dahomey (now
Benin) during the Nigerian Civil war, which was used as a base for air lifting
of arms and relief materials to Biafra (Akinyemi 1989:19).
Thus,
having acknowledged the imminent threat from its immediate environment Nigeria
had to take cognizance of its neighbours and through economic means establish a
platform for cooperation. After all, it is well known fact that among the
African regional powers, the one with the potentially most significant
strategic heft as well as the greatest geopolitical importance is the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. It is reckoned that its population includes in relative
and absolute terms; a number of well-educated citizens who represent a wealth
of human capital; its vast oil reserves makes it America’s fourth largest
source for imported petroleum and it stands as Africa’s largest contributor to
multilateral stability operations; and its effective participation in
international organizations, from the United Nations, the African Union the
ECOWAS puts it as a core state and confers on it the responsibility for
leadership (Pham 2007:3).
Olusanya
and Akindele point to the fact that Nigeria possessed the qualities to be the
leader in the sub-region and the need to safeguard her national interest. They
stated that Nigeria’s efforts at establishing the ECOWAS is informed by the
‘natural leader’ role it perceived for itself and the need to have a secured
neighbourhood. It is against this background of Nigeria’s perception and
conception of the crucial role international organizations play in moderating
the international political game, particularly in providing a forum for the
smaller states to be heard and in collectively legitimizing their foreign
policy aspirations, that Nigeria has invested much time, energy and resources
to support and secure the functioning of International Organizations (Olusanya
and Akindele, 1986:4).
Whether
it is the “African centrepiece policy”, “concentric circle Model” or “Economic
Diplomacy”, Nigeria, by virtue of its power capabilities has always put a
premium on the primacy of African states which has from independence guied its
foreign policy objectives. And therefore, according to Alli “Nigeria is
conceived as a “natural leader” with a “manifest destiny and even with the
responsibility to promote and protect the interests of Africa and Black people
everywhere in and all ramifications (Alli, 2012:7).
The
basic economic reason that that spurred the initiative for a regional economic
integration scheme in West Africa was the need for economic development which
is quite limited and in a large extent this condition was created and
perpetrated by erstwhile colonial States of the developed world. Hence,
according to Nwabuzor (1982), “the desire for a respectable degree of political
and economic independence coupled with a high welfare expectation of the ruled,
have been primarily responsible for the creation of regional economic
organizations on the African continent”.
Also,
Iyanda (1980) notes that, it is well known that developing countries do not
generally trade with each other. Their economies were principally to provide
the raw inputs for the factories of Western Europe as well as absorb the
outputs of their factories. Expectedly, the outputs of many developing
countries find their market in, and most of their manufactured domestic needs
are imported from the developed countries. Unless the orientation is changed,
an integrated economy of West Africa will still be outward looking, producing
agricultural goods for exports and consuming manufactured imports from
developed countries. Also, the lack of capability for exchange and
specialization for comparative advantage as a result of the dominance of
primary commodities as a character of the narrow and small markets of African
nations has also seen to the lopsided nature in trade with Europe, devoid of
complementarity which reflects the inadequacy of pre-independence ties. The
transport networks were designed to evacuate materials from the interior of
West Africa to Europe. And even in the post–independence era, the existence of
a system of preferential treatments in economic relations between Europe and
their client West African states became the norm; the Commonwealth with British
West Africa, while the European Economic Community (EEC) maintained ties with
their French colonies within the framework of the initial Yaounde conventions
1963 and 1969 respectively (Iyanda,
1980:277).
Hence,
the dependent economies of African states have seen to the various efforts at
ameliorating the deplorable and abysmal extent of development, due to
leadership problems and economic problems like the small markets. It is with
regard to the improvement of the condition of West African States that the
Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) encouraged African states to form
themselves into economic groupings to improve these conditions” (Akinyemi and
Aluko, 1983:5). Thus, regional economic integration was prescribed as the
antidote. The reason is that, “since economic integration increases the
capacity of the cooperating states to act concertedly and in unity in
international negotiations with other blocs of nations, it also strengthens
their bargaining power and reduces the negative effects of globalization on
them”.
Finally,
it is contended by Gambari (1991) that in West Africa, economic integration is
also viewed as an ‘illustration of Pan-Africanism’ and indeed, a practical step
toward the economic liberation of the African continent. Some of the states
such as Nigeria viewed integration as a veritable instrument for ensuring not
only regional peace and security but also ‘national security’ (Anadi,
2005:45). Arguably, the ECOWAS regional
integration was established as a response to colonialism; to tackle the problem
of small markets by grouping the markets of the states in the sub-region and
increase the living standards of the peoples of the region; Nigeria’s hegemonic
presence served as a rallying point for its West African neighbours in general
and in her national interest the creation of ECOWAS was necessary to pursue her
foreign policy and preserve the country’s unity.
Also,
the success of the European development models became worthy of emulation
considering its achievements. Achieving the goals of integration will bring
about a self-reliant and self-sufficient economy which will bolster the
economies of the States involved in the integration scheme. It will enhance
specialization through the principles of comparative advantage, that is, the division
of labour, industrialization and the wider markets created will bring about
growth and development.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Nigeria
resorted to economic diplomacy to enable her have a strong foundation for the
integration of the states in West Africa. Nigeria has upheld the principle of
non-interference at the same time being the regional hegemon confers certain
roles on her in the affairs of neighbouring West African countries while
stabilizing and bringing peace to trouble spots like Sierra Leone and Liberia,
Nigeria has sank a lot of money to keep ECOWAS alive in seeking to maintain
cordial relations and enhancing mutually beneficial ventures in ECOWAS. Oputu (2006) notes that Nigeria has
contributed so much in terms of human and material resources for the
integration of the states in ECOWAS, yet it hasn’t brought significant results.
Consequently, Owoeye (2002) observed that “It is more prudent for a nation to
assume a high profile in international politics only as an imperative for its
economic achievements”. However, some nations, inclusive of Nigeria, would
appear to put politics before economics thereby assuming expensive political
roles in their regions or globally, though the domestic economic structures are
not strong enough to support such political missions abroad (Owoeye, 2002:159).
In furtherance of its foreign policy
objectives, Nigeria adopted economic integration as another dimension for the
promotion of its African centrepiece diplomacy which is why Nigeria deployed
enormous wealth and energy to enhance West Africa’s integration. Since it is
assumed as a manifestation of its destiny to be the natural leader of Africa,
it is the concern of this research to look at the advantages and disadvantages
of these roles Nigeria has undertaken in enhancing the integration of West
African region and whether it is to the country’s benefit.
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The
general and overall aim of the study is to evaluate Nigeria’s role in the
regional integration of the West African region. However, the specific
objectives are to,
i.
Review Nigeria’s role in setting up the
ECOWAS;
ii.
Evaluate the different dimensions of
Nigeria’s role in the regional integration of the West African region;
iii.
Identify the specific roles Nigeria has performed
to attain the objectives of integration in the West African region;
iv.
Identify the challenges Nigeria faces
while performing its role to enhance the regional integration of the
sub-region; and
v.
Proffer suggestions on how Nigeria can
further deploy its enormous resources towards achieving the goals of
integration in West Africa.
1.4
RESEARCH
QUESTIONS
Nigeria
has assumed important roles in the regional integration of West Africa. This
research seeks to find answers to the following questions:
i.
Why did Nigeria participate in
establishing up of ECOWAS?
ii.
What are the different ways Nigeria has
employed to promote the integration of the West African Region?
iii.
What are the specific roles Nigeria has
performed to attain the objectives of regional integration in West Africa?
iv.
What are the challenges which Nigeria has
faced in achieving the objectives of integration in the West African Region?
v.
What steps should be taken to improve on
Nigeria’s role in promoting sub-regional integration?
5.1
METHODOLOGY
The
researcher relies on the secondary method of data collection. Data were
collected from published and unpublished works, including books, journals,
conference papers, articles, magazines, newspaper publications and internet
sources. Therefore, for the purpose of this research, content analysis method
was employed to analyse the results of the subject under study. The research
will summarize the information generated in the work from the secondary sources
such that deductions can be drawn and interpretations made.
In
undertaking the research, repositories of relevant literature were consulted.
Libraries and the internet were a veritable source. Particularly, the National
Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) Kuru, the ECOWAS secretariat, the University
of Jos library, the National and State libraries in Jos have been good sources
of materials. Also, this study benefitted from discussions with some of my
lecturers including my supervisor.
1.6 SCOPE
OF THE STUDY
The
study will cover the period from 1999 to 2010. This delineated period is of
consequence because it marks the period of inception and uninterrupted civil
rule and the accentuation of economic
imperatives which came to the fore of Nigeria’s foreign policy. Thus, the
period covers eleven years of Nigeria’s continued active leadership in the
promotion of regional integration under civilian Heads of States.
1.7 LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
The
researcher was particularly constrained in this study by lack of adequate
funding. This is why I could not consult as many scholars as I would wish at
the Nigerian Defence College (NDC), the Nigerian Institute for International
Affairs, (NIIA), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) The ECOWAS secretariat
etc. Also, I could not gain access to materials written in French because of
language barrier. However, the research was conducted with utmost rigor to
ensure a good result.
1.8 SIGNIFICANCE
OF THE STUDY
This
study is a relevant source of knowledge for students and policy makers dealing
with Nigeria and West African states. The outcome of the study would be of
primary benefits to the Federal Government of Nigeria in the area of foreign
policy relating to the integration of ECOWAS member states. Also, Nigeria’s
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the ECOWAS, policy makers of Nigeria and other
ECOWAS States will find this work useful. This study will add to existing
literature and also stimulate further research on the subject.
HOW TO GET THE FULL PROJECT WORK
PLEASE, print the following
instructions and information if you will like to order/buy our complete written
material(s).
HOW TO RECEIVE PROJECT
MATERIAL(S)
After paying the appropriate
amount (#10,000) into our bank Account below, send the following information to
08068231953 or 08168759420
(1)
Your project topics
(2)
Email Address
(3)
Payment Name
(4)
Teller Number
We
will send your material(s) after we receive bank alert
BANK ACCOUNTS
Account
Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account
Number: 0046579864
Bank:
GTBank.
OR
Account
Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account
Number: 2023350498
Bank:
UBA.
FOR MORE INFORMATION, CALL:
08068231953 or 08168759420
https://projectmaterialsng.blogspot.com.ng/
https://foreasyprojectmaterials.blogspot.com.ng/
https://mypostumes.blogspot.com.ng/
https://myeasymaterials.blogspot.com.ng/
https://eazyprojectsmaterial.blogspot.com.ng/
https://easzprojectmaterial.blogspot.com.ng/
Comments
Post a Comment